'[NATO] [e]nlargement will mean extending the most solemn security guarantees to our allies--a new committment to treat an attack on one as an attack on all,' President Clinton said before an audience assembled by the Clinton campaign and including academics, elementary school children and ardent Democrats.

Tuesday, October 23, 1996 at Fisher Theater in Detroit, MI

President Clinton and leaders of the other NATO members will meet next July in Madrid to issue an invitation to Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, plus possibly one or two other Central European countries, with the hope of a successful enlargement by 1999, the 50th anniversary of the alliance. In effect, NATO expansion would commit American conventional and nuclear forces to the defense of newly independent European nations and require the costly modernization of their armed services. It would also move the alliance's boundaries considerably closer to Russia, a move which would have a strong impact on West-East European relations.

The primary goals of the Western viewpoint are to maintain a strong American leadership role in Europe and preserve (and strengthen) NATO, an alliance that could defend against an aggressive and military resurgent Russia in the future. Due to America's role as a world superpower, American leadership is essential to worldwide stability and the formation of healthy global partnerships. These partnerships are vital to our success in the new and fast-approaching millennium, and without cooperation from Russia as well as other influential and prosperous world powers, we will not be able to face the challenges of the next century. World powers such as Russia must take on a more liberal approach when making important decisions regarding policies or other international matters. NATO expansion rests on the very principles of a liberal world view: interdependence and reciprocity. As a result, cooperation from the various world powers is necessary in maintaining global security.

Some may ridicule our goal of enlargement by 1999, believing the inclusion of Russia to be impossible by this date. We do realize that Russia has particular concerns regarding its inclusion in NATO expansion; as a result, the formation of NATO-Russia charter will serve as the primary way to discuss these concerns. Russian opposition to NATO expansion is primarily due to its economic and military instability after two German invasions this century. Although some may argue that Russia's shattered, impoverished military and faltering economy rule out any suspicions of military threat supporting expansion, Russia's inclusion in NATO will provide it with the impetus needed to institute successful reform efforts. Interdependence in military efforts will aid in any possible attacks, an area especially important to Russia's current military situation.

We also realize that a mishandled NATO expansion could bolster Russian nationalists, who would feel increasingly isolated. Russia objects to the inclusion of Ukraine and the Baltic republics (Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia) due to concerns about possible NATO military threats and or influence resulting from greater proximity to Russian borders. The NATO-Russia charter would seek to prevent such an expansion, which would weaken security throughout Europe by paving the way for possible anti-NATO attacks.

In addition to these broad consultations, Moscow is being assured that no nuclear weapons would be deployed on the territory of the new member countries. In our attempts to bring Russia under the umbrella of NATO expansion, we will be extremely cautious of any actions which may violate the relatively small amount of stability and security within Russia. The charter cannot achieve its goals if it must also be concerned with actions which violate the very principles upon which it rests.

Although the success of the charter will help Russia determine their future role in expansion, Russia has also received a considerable amount of financial support from America. Most recently America has provided financial support to Russia through investments totalling approximately $2.5 billion. In 1995, the U.S. accounted for one-third of all foriegn capital investment in the Russian economy, and by the end of the century will make a further $12 billion in direct investments in Russian oil and gas industries. Although financial support cannot serve as the lone element in a formula for reform, through the both this support and the financial charter we hope that Russia will soon see NATO expansion as a necessary and vital element in the formula for future success.

As Stan Crock and Paula Dwyer report in their article on the possible success of NATO, the gap between Russia and NATO might be bridged by placing more emphasis on its Partnership for Peace program. NATO could, for instance, open up more committees to military liasion officers from nonmember countries. Charles A. Kupchan, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, claims that "the preoccupation with who is in and who is out [of NATO] would disappear". These committees combined with the current goals of the charter are important elements in the formula for NATO expansion. The program can help develop more stable and beneficial relationships between countries like Russia and the United States who share a similar desire for peace both within and outside of their boundaries.

In conclusion, we realize that NATO expansion cannot be achieved through a simple signing of official documents. Expansion entails a long, detailed process that must analyze all immediate and future consequences of expansion as applied to each individual country. This process will help bring positive, long-lasting change to countries like Russia and others that endure tremendous suffering after years of political, economic, and military instability. Also, expansion would promote greater security among all members during times of aggression from outside influences. For this reason it is imperative that Russia is a part of NATO expansion in some form. Russia's reform efforts can only be strengthened through NATO expansion. The additional support will supply them with the power needed to regain their status as a leading world power, and will also increase the effectiveness of NATO. Russia must see the need for interdependence and reciprocity; without these elements, the success of their own reform efforts will take an even longer period of time to be seen.